Somalilands strategy has brought traditional leaders into an active role in the countrys formal governance by creating an upper house in parliament, the Guurti, where traditional leaders exercise the power of approving all bills drafted by the lower house of parliament. Pastoral economic systems, for example, foster communal land tenure systems that allow unhindered mobility of livestock, while a capitalist economic system requires a private land ownership system that excludes access to others and allows long-term investments on land. However, the traditional judicial system has some weaknesses, especially with respect to gender equality. The structures of leadership of African traditional institutions are diverse and they have yet to be mapped out comprehensively. In Africa, as in every region, it is the quality and characteristics of governance that shape the level of peace and stability and the prospects for economic development. Analysis here is thus limited to traditional authority systems under the postcolonial experience. Governance also has an important regional dimension relating to the institutional structures and norms that guide a regions approach to challenges and that help shape its political culture.1 This is especially relevant in looking at Africas place in the emerging world since this large region consists of 54 statesclose to 25% of the U.N.s membershipand includes the largest number of landlocked states of any region, factors that dramatically affect the political environment in which leaders make choices. Another reason is that African leaders of the postcolonial state, who wanted to consolidate their power, did not want other points of power that would compromise their control. Key Takeaways. An alternative strategy of bringing about institutional harmony would be to transform the traditional economic systems into an exchange-based economy that would be compatible with the formal institutions of the state. During the colonial period, "tribe" was used to identify specific cultural and political groups in much the same way as "nation" is defined above. In addition, they have traditional institutions of governance of various national entities, including those surrounding the Asantehene of the Ashanti in Ghana and the Kabaka of the Buganda in Uganda. This brief overview of conflict in Africa signals the severity of the security challenges to African governance, especially in those sub-regions that feature persistent and recurrent outbreaks of violence. These features include nonprofits, non-profits and hybrid entities are now provide goods and services that were once delivered by the government. By 2016, 35 AU members had joined it, but less than half actually subjected themselves to being assessed. Africas rural communities, which largely operate under subsistent economic systems, overwhelmingly adhere to the traditional institutional systems while urban communities essentially follow the formal institutional systems, although there are people who negotiate the two institutional systems in their daily lives. Ideally, African nations will benefit when civil society respects the states role (as well as the other way around); rather than one-sided advocacy, both sides should strive to create a space for debate in order to legitimize tolerance of multiple views in society. Tribes had relatively little power outside their own group during the colonial period. Government: A Multifarious Concept 1.2. Similarities between Democratic and Authoritarian Government. Virtually every group was involved in the . Violating customary property rights, especially land takings, without adequate compensation impedes institutional reconciliation by impoverishing rather than transforming communities operating in the traditional economic system. The Constitution states that the institution, status and roles of traditional leadership, according to customary law, are recognised. One snapshot by the influential Mo Ibrahim index of African Governance noted in 2015 that overall governance progress in Africa is stalling, and decided not to award a leadership award that year. This chapter examines traditional leadership within the context of the emerging constitutional democracy in Ghana. Misguided policies at the national level combined with cultural constraints facing these social groups may increase exclusion and create seeds of future trouble. These dynamics often lead to increased state fragility or the re-authoritarianization of once more participatory governance systems.12 The trend is sometimes, ironically, promoted by western firms and governments more interested in commercial access and getting along with existing governments than with durable political and economic development. Given its institutional disconnect with the state, the traditional sector and the communities that operate under it invariably face marginalization in influencing policy as well as in access to economic resources throughout the continent. Traditional and informal justice systems aim at restoring social cohesion within the community by promoting reconciliation between disputing parties. Only four states in AfricaBotswana, Gambia, Mauritius, and Senegalretained multiparty systems. African Governance: Challenges and Their Implications. Similarly, the process of conflict resolution is undertaken in an open assembly and is intended to reconcile parties in conflict rather than to merely punish offenders. One of these will be the role and weight of various powerful external actors. (No award was made in 50% of the years since the program was launched in 2007; former Liberian president Ellen John Sirleaf won the award in 2017. There are very few similarities between democracy and dictatorship. Typically, such leaders scheme to rig elections or to change constitutional term limitsactions seen in recent years in such countries as Rwanda and Uganda. As Legesse (1973, 2000) notes, the fundamental principles that guide the consensus-based (decentralized) authority systems include curbing the concentration of power in an institution or a person and averting the emergence of a rigid hierarchy. The customary structures of governance of traditional leadership were put aside or transformed. In Botswana, for example, the consensual decision-making process in the kgotla (public meeting) regulates the power of the chiefs. Interestingly, small and mid-size state leaders have won the award so far.) Chiefs such as those of the Nuer and Dinka are examples of this category. As a result, they are not dispensable as long as the traditional economic systems endure. Political and economic inclusion is the companion requirement for effective and legitimate governance. To learn more, visit Third, Africas conflict burden reflects different forms and sources of violence that sometimes become linked to each other: political movements may gain financing and coercive support from criminal networks and traffickers, while religious militants with connections to terrorist groups are often adept at making common cause with local grievance activists. Government and Political Systems. As a result, it becomes highly complex to analyze their roles and structures without specifying the time frame. The system of government in the traditional Yoruba society was partially centralised and highly democratic. 1. As institutional scholars state, institutional incompatibility leads to societal conflicts by projecting different laws governing societal interactions (Eisenstadt, 1968; Helmke & Levitsky, 2004; March & Olsen, 1984; North, 1990; Olsen, 2007). The nature of governance is central because it determines whether the exercise of authority is viewed as legitimate. Among the key challenges associated with institutional fragmentation are the following: Policy incoherence: Fragmented economies and institutions represent dichotomous socioeconomic spaces, which makes it highly challenging for policy to address equitably the interests of the populations in these separate socioeconomic spaces. The council system of the Berbers in Northern Africa also falls within this category (UNECA, 2007). Copy this link, or click below to email it to a friend. The usual plethora of bour- On the eve of the departure of the colonial power, the Nigerian power elite in collusion with the departing colonial authority, drew up an elaborate constitution for a liberal bourgeois state - complete with provisions for parties in government and those in opposition. South Africas strategy revolves around recognition of customary law when it does not conflict with the constitution and involves traditional authorities in local governance. This situation supported an external orientation in African politics in which Cold War reference points and former colonial relationships assured that African governments often developed only a limited sense of connection to their own societies. Examine the definitions, strengths, and weaknesses of several common governments: monarchy, theocracy . This enhanced his authority. Greater access to public services and to productivity-enhancing technology would also help in enhancing the transformation of the subsistence sector. Rather, they are conveners of assemblies of elders or lower level chiefs who deliberate on settlement of disputes. However, they are not merely customs and norms; rather they are systems of governance, which were formal in precolonial times and continue to exist in a semiformal manner in some countries and in an informal manner in others. Large countries such as the DRC, Ethiopia, and Mozambique are likely to experience pressures against centralized, authoritarian, or one-party governance (whether accompanied by real elections or not). Rules of procedure were established through customs and traditions some with oral, some with written constitutions Women played active roles in the political system including holding leadership and military positions. The swing against western norms was captured in an interview with Ugandas repeatedly re-elected president Yoweri Museveni who remarked How can you have structural adjustment without electricity? This article contends that postcolonial African traditional institutions lie in a continuum between the highly decentralized to the centralized systems and they all have resource allocation practices, conflict resolution and judicial systems, and decision-making practices, which are distinct from those of the state. Traditional leaders would also be able to use local governance as a platform for exerting some influence on national policymaking. This page was processed by aws-apollo-l2 in 0.093 seconds, Using these links will ensure access to this page indefinitely. The Alafin as the political head of the empire was . Another measure is recognition of customary law and traditional judicial systems by the state. President Muhammadu Buhari is currently the federal head of state and government. Contents 1. Features Of Traditional Government Administration. Even so, customary law still exerts a strong . Fitzpatrick 'Traditionalism and Traditional Law' Journal of African Law, Vol. The optimistic replyand it is a powerful oneis that Africans will gradually build inclusive political and economic institutions.18 This, however, requires wise leadership. The guiding principle behind these two attributes is that conflict is a societal problem and that resolving conflict requires societal engagement. There are several types of government systems in African politics: in an absolute monarchy, the head of state and head of government is a monarch with unlimited legal authority,; in a constitutional monarchy, the monarch is a ceremonial figurehead who has few political competences,; in a presidential system, the president is the head of state and head of government, Traditional affairs. Institutional systems emanate from the broader economic and political systems, although they also affect the performance of the economic and political systems. The US system has survived four years of a norm-busting president by the skin of its teeth - which areas need most urgent attention? The Aqils (elders) of Somalia and the chiefs in Kenya are good examples. Their "rediscovery" in modern times has led to an important decolonization of local and community management in order to pursue genuine self-determination. There is one constitution and one set of laws and rules for ordinary people, and quite other for the ruling family and the politically connected elite. Both can be identified as forms of governance. This kind of offences that attract capital punishment is usually . This study notes that in 2007 Africa saw 12 conflicts in 10 countries. In Sierra Leone, for example, approximately 85% of the population falls under the jurisdiction of customary law, defined under the constitution as the rules of law which, by custom, are applicable to particular communities in Sierra Leone. Each of these societies had a system of government. In these relatively new nations, the critical task for leadership is to build a social contract that is sufficiently inclusive to permit the management of diversity. A Sociology of Education for Africa . Africa contains more sovereign nations than any other continent, with 54 countries compared to Asia's 47. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Its marginalization, in turn, impedes the transformation of the traditional sector, thus extending the fragmentation of institutions. Relatively unfettered access to the internet via smart phones and laptops brings informationand hence potential powerto individuals and groups about all kinds of things: e.g., market prices, the views of relatives in the diaspora, conditions in the country next door, and the self-enrichment of corrupt officials. The Pre-Colonial Period: From the Ashes of Pharaohs to the Berlin Conference At the end of the prehistoric period (10 000 BC), some African nomadic bands began to Perhaps one of the most serious shared weakness relates to gender relations. Womens access to property rights is also limited, as they are often denied the right of access to inheritance as well as equal division of property in cases of divorce. In this respect, they complement official courts that are often unable to provide court services to all their rural communities. Throughout our over one-hundred-year history, our work has directly led to policies that have produced greater freedom, democracy, and opportunity in the United States and the world. Democratic and dictatorial regimes both vest their authority in one person or a few individuals. However, three countries, Botswana, Somaliland, and South Africa, have undertaken differing measures with varying levels of success. To illustrate, when there are 2.2 billion Africans, 50% of whom live in cities, how will those cities (and surrounding countryside) be governed? In any case, as . There are also various arguments in the literature against traditional institutions.2 One argument is that chieftaincy impedes the pace of development as it reduces the relevance of the state in the area of social services (Tom Mboya in Osaghae, 1989). Long-standing kingdoms such as those in Morocco and Swaziland are recognized national states. Using a second conflict lens, the number of non-state conflicts has increased dramatically in recent years, peaking in 2017 with 50 non-state conflicts, compared to 24 in 2011. Music is a form of communication and it plays a functional role in African society . In some countries, such as Botswana, customary courts are estimated to handle approximately 80% of criminal cases and 90% of civil cases (Sharma, 2004). Challenges confronting the institution of chieftaincy have continued from the colonial era into recent times. Evidence from case studies, however, suggests that the size of adherents varies from country to country. The reasons why rural communities adhere to the traditional institutions are many (Logan, 2011; Mengisteab & Hagg, 2017). Competing land rights laws, for instance, often lead to appropriations by the state of land customarily held by communities, triggering various land-related conflicts in much of Africa, especially in areas where population growth and environmental degradation have led to land scarcity. The place and role of African Youth in Pre-independence African Governance Systems 19-20 1.7. media system, was concerned with the more systematized dissemination of information between the traditional administrative organ and the people (subjects). Judicial Administration. The political history of Africa begins with the emergence of hominids, archaic humans andat least 200,000 years agoanatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens), in East Africa, and continues unbroken into the present as a patchwork of diverse and politically developing nation states. Some regimes seem resilient because of their apparent staying power but actually have a narrow base of (typically ethnic or regional) support. References: Blakemore and Cooksey (1980). Some live in remote areas beyond the reach of some of the institutions of the state, such as courts. A third argument claims that chieftaincy heightens primordial loyalties, as chiefs constitute the foci of ethnic identities (Simwinga quoted in van Binsberger, 1987, p. 156). Additionally, the Guurti is charged with resolving conflicts in the country using traditional conflict resolution mechanisms. Hindrance to democratization: Perhaps among the most important challenges institutional fragmentation poses is to the process of democratization. A Functional Approach to define Government 2. Both types of government can be effective or infective depending on . A more recent argument is that traditional institutions are incompatible with economic, social, and civil rights (Chirayath, Sage, & Woolcock, 2005). This short article does not attempt to provide answers to all these questions, which require extensive empirical study. Another issue that needs some clarification is the neglect by the literature of the traditional institutions of the political systems without centralized authority structures. The leader is accountable to various levels of elders, who serve as legislators and as judges (Legesse, 1973; Taa, 2017). Finally, the chapter considers the future of the institution against the background of the many issues and challenges considered. Because these governmental institutions reject the indigenous political systems on which African society was built, they have generally failed to bring political . My intention in this chapter is to explore the traditional African ideas and values of politics with a view to pointing up what may be described as the democratic features of the indigenous system of government and to examine whether, and in what ways, such features can be said to be harmonious with the ethos of contemporary political culture and hence can be said to be relevant to . Basing key political decisions on broad societal and inter-party consensus may help to de-escalate cutthroat competition that often leads to violent conflicts. Subsequent to the colonial experience, traditional institutions may be considered to be informal institutions in the sense that they are often not sanctioned by the state. Even the court system is designed to provide for consociational, provincial, and local organization, not as separate courts but as divisions of the key national courts; once again, a compromise between a fully federal or consociational arrangement and the realities of the South African situation that emphasize the preservation of national unity . Regional governance comes into play here, and certain precedents may get set and then ratified by regional or sub-regional organizations. Posted: 12 May 2011. This can happen in several ways. We know a good deal about what Africans want and demand from their governments from public opinion surveys by Afrobarometer. Legitimate authority, in turn, is based on accepted laws and norms rather than the arbitrary, unconstrained power of the rulers. They must know the traditional songs and must also be able to improvise songs about current events and chance incidents. Cookie Settings. Issues of corruption and transparency are likely to become driving themes in African politics. Despite apparent differences, the strategies of the three countries have some common features as well that may inform other counties about the measures institutional reconciliation may entail. 1. These circumstances can generate an authoritarian reflex and the temptation to circle the wagons against all sources of potential opposition. Paramount chiefs: Another category of leadership structure is that of hereditary paramount chieftaincy with various traditional titles and various levels of accountability. It is also highly unlikely that such broader aspects of traditional institutions can be eliminated without transforming the traditional modes of production that foster them. This fragmentation is also unlikely to go away anytime soon on its own. Among them were those in Ethiopia, Morocco, Swaziland, and Lesotho. Africas states are the worlds newest, and it can hardly be surprising that Africans define themselves in terms of multiple identities including regional, tribal, clan-based, and religious onesin addition to being citizens of a relatively new state. Political leaders everywhere face competing demands in this regard. The indigenous political system had some democratic features. The modern African state system has been gradually Africanized, albeit on more or less the identical territorial basis it began with at the time of decolonization in the second half of the 20 th century. Comparing Ethiopia and Kenya, for example, shows that adherents to the traditional institutional system is greater in Ethiopia than in Kenya, where the ratio of the population operating in the traditional economic system is smaller and the penetration of the capitalist economic system in rural areas is deeper. They dispense justice, resolve conflicts, and enforce contracts, even though such services are conducted in different ways in different authority systems. To sum up, traditional institutions provide vital governance services to communities that operate under traditional socioeconomic spaces. A second objective is to draw a tentative typology of the different authority systems of Africas traditional institutions. The result is transitory resilience of the regime, but shaky political stability, declining cohesion, and eventual conflict or violent change. The challenge facing Africas leadersperhaps above all othersis how to govern under conditions of ethnic diversity. example of a traditional African political system. Indeed, it should be added that a high percentage of todays conflicts are recurrences of previous ones, often in slightly modified form with parties that may organize under more than one flag. African traditional institutions continue to exist in most African countries, albeit at different levels of adherence by the populations of the continent. Other governance systems in the post-independence era and their unique features, if any. Constitutions of postcolonial states have further limited the power of chiefs. The book contains eight separate papers produced by scholars working in the field of anthropology, each of which focuses in on a different society in Sub-Saharan Africa. Stagnant economy, absence of diversification in occupational patterns and allegiance to traditionall these have a bearing on the system of education prevailing in these societies. Another basic question is, whom to include? Authority in this system was shared or distributed to more people within the community. Understanding the Gadaa System. Against this broad picture, what is striking is the more recent downward trend in democratic governance in Africa and the relative position of African governance when viewed on a global basis. In many cases European or Islamic legal traditions have replaced or significantly modified traditional African ones. Many of the chieftaincy systems, such as those in much of South Africa, the Asantehene of the Ashanti of Ghana, the Tswana of Botswana, and the Busoga of Uganda seem to fall within this category. Most of the regions states were defined geographically by European cartographers at the start of the colonial period. Stated another way, if the abolition of term limits, neo-patrimonialism, and official kleptocracy become a regionally accepted norm, this will make it harder for the better governed states to resist the authoritarian trend. For example, the election day itself goes more or less peacefully, the vote tabulation process is opaque or obscure, and the entire process is shaped by a pre-election playing field skewed decisively in favor of the incumbents. Communities like the Abagusii, Ameru, Akamba, Mijikenda, and Agikuyu in Kenya had this system of government. One influential research group, SIPRI in Sweden, counted a total of 9 active armed conflicts in 2017 (in all of Africa) plus another 7 post-conflict and potential conflict situations.3, More revealing is the granular comparison of conflict types over time. At times, devolution has had major fiscal and governance consequences, including serving as a vehicle for co-option and corruption. African states, along with Asian, Middle Eastern, and even European governments, have all been affected. by the Board of Trustees of Leland Stanford Junior University. This section attempts to explain these seemingly contradictory implications of traditional institutions. the system even after independence. Thus, another report by PRIO and the University of Uppsala (two Norwegian and Swedish centers) breaks conflict down into state-based (where at least one party is a government), non-state-based (neither party is an official state actor), and one-sided conflicts (an armed faction against unarmed civilians). However, the traditional modes of production and the institutional systems associated with them also remain entrenched among large segments of the population. Their endurance and coexistence with the institutions of the state has created an institutional dichotomy in much of Africa. According to the African Development Bank, good governance should be built on a foundation of (I) effective states, (ii) mobilized civil societies, and (iii) an efficient private sector. As a United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) study (2007) notes, traditional leaders often operate as custodians of customary law and communal assets, especially land. In Africa, as in every region, it is the quality and characteristics of governance that shape the level of peace and stability and the prospects for economic development. The most promising pattern is adaptive resilience in which leaders facing such pressures create safety valves or outlets for managing social unrest. Admittedly, the problem is by no means uniquely African, but it is very commonly experienced in Africa. The three countries have pursued rather different strategies of reconciling their institutional systems and it remains to be seen if any of their strategies will deliver the expected results, although all three countries have already registered some progress in reducing conflicts and in advancing the democratization process relative to countries around them. Act,12 the African system of governance was changed and transformed, and new structures were put in place of old ones.13 Under the Union of South Africa, the Gov- "Law" in traditional Igbo and other African societies assumes a wide dimension and should be understood, interpreted, and applied as such, even if such a definition conflicts with the Western idea. Paramount chieftaincy is a traditional system of local government and an integral element of governance in some African countries such as Sierra Leone, Ghana, Liberia and Ivory Coast. The regime in this case captures the state, co-opts the security organs, and dissolves civil society. These include - murder, burglary, landcase, witchcraft, profaning the deities and homicide. At times, these traditional security system elements are sufficient enough for some uses, but there's certainly no denying . The analysis presented here suggests that traditional institutions are relevant in a number of areas while they are indispensable for the governance of Africas traditional economic sector, which lies on the fringes of formal state institutions. History. There is little doubt that colonial occupation and the ensuing restructuring of African political entities and socioeconomic systems altered African traditional institutions of governance.

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